Power behind the throne or Judas at the last supper?
To her fans, recently divorced Juliet Manning is a powerhouse of the British Government: the Foreign Secretary who pulled of a Brexit masterstroke and launched a new era of British diplomacy; the Deputy Prime Minister who launched a housing revolution and secured tens of billions of pounds in funding for education; the ascendant mistress of the Tory centre. To her critics, she is a serpent laying at the feet of the Prime Minister: the woman who betrayed the promise of Brexit, reinvigorated UKIP and swept aside Conservative commitments on immigration; the heathen of the home counties who tore up the greenbelt and is building new garden cities in the middle of nowhere; the second-in-command who unseated Alec Dundas and now looks poised to stab Grant Kingston in the back.
Manning is a mystery wrapped in an enigma, and an ardent student of political expediency. She voted against Brexit, joined the May administration in promoting the Chequers deal, extended the Implementation Period by three months (she asked for two years) and then signed the softest of soft deals within a fortnight. She spoke out against new homes in her own constituency, only to commit to building nearly 600,000 across England a year later. She is associated with the Tory centre-ground (and her credentials have enamoured her with the Cameron coalition of small-l liberal voters) and yet the latest news from the DPM’s office is that she is the heavyweight behind much-anticipated proposals to bring back grammar schools with a vengeance.
Who is the real Deputy Prime Minister? What does she believe in? What are her goals and is she a candidate for the top job?
Manning’s office at the Foreign Office is, in keeping with the rest of this glorious expression of British prestige and power, ornate and classically decorated. Her desk is tidy and devoid of personal touches, unless one counts a crystal decanter of brandy, and I’m told she rarely sits down - preferring to conduct meetings on her feet whilst her subordinates occupy the opulent leather armchairs that adorn the Foreign Secretary’s study.
“I am basically someone who has a pragmatic view of politics,” she says. “I ran Royal Mail Plc for a decade. I know what it takes to manage a large organisation and get things done. That’s basically my motivation: to get things done.”
But some decry Juliet Manning is *too* keen to “get things done,” and not keen enough to study the detail. She is known in the Cabinet as a blue-sky thinker - keen on the bold and sometimes the brash, and eager to use words like “revolution” and “reform.” But she is known equally as someone prone to tripping up over the finer details of policy; deferring to her bewildered officials when questions are asked. I put it to her that she whilst being a big-picture visionary may be her strength, her reputed lack of focus on detail is her weakness.
“I think it’s probably true that in any government there is a certain tension between those who want to do things and those who have to pay for them,” she replies shrewdly, not quite answering the question. Is she hinting at tension with the Chancellor?
“Actually I got everything I asked for from the budget and more. I’m sure it won’t always be like that. But Michael has the hardest job in government… we all come to him with these wonderful things we’d like to do, and he has to stop us in our tracks and say ‘how are you going to pay for it?’ And I smile sweetly, push out my bosom and say ‘that’s your problem.’”
Leaks from the Deputy Prime Minister’s office have become so commonplace that there is something of a “meme” circulating in Whitehall to the effect that the BBC usually knows what she is doing before her own staff do. Manning refuses to comment on the recently leaked education proposals, which apparently came out of her own “domestic affairs unit” - but they’re a clear sign that well beyond her brief, Manning is a power player. Is she now the most powerful woman in Britain?
“I think the crux of the question there is about how Cabinet works. And actually, this government has a very different style of Cabinet to any that has come before. Huge resources have gone into the Cabinet Office to make government joined-up, and the committees meet much more regularly… there are no more silos. Everyone is thinking about everything, and it’s very effective. It’s like having the government on crisis mode, with all that efficiency and quick-thinking, but in a standard political day. And that’s an enormously powerful thing.”
The government’s machine is certainly well-oiled. The Conservatives recently put in a very strong showing in the Scottish Parliament elections, and in the London mayoral contest.
“Yes, and I think that’s because there was a bit more message discipline than the Opposition have mustered. I mean, if you take the issue of Brexit; Labour have spent four years arguing for a closer relationship with Europe, and refusing to make any commitment on immigration. As soon as an EEA deal was put before the House, they u-turned on everything they had said. The message discipline isn’t there.”
But isn’t the inverse an equally valid criticism of the government - that for four years it had ruled out the “Norway model,” before dropping everything to suddenly pursue it?
“I think it’s different, because I think what we tried to do - what I tried to do - was to find a compromise. We had to get out of the EU, we had to do that. It would have been an insult to the 17 million not to do that. But you have to win the trust of the 16 million too, who had legitimate concerns and fears. And the deal that we got brought us out of the customs union and liberated our trade policy; it brought us out of the CFP and CAP; it brought us out of the ECJ and it brought us out of the political institution of European Union. And there were compromises, of course there were. We have to talk about controlling immigration with different levers, different mechanisms. But it’s a good deal, and it works. The problem I’m highlighting with Labour is that we still don’t know what their alternative looks like. They wanted a customs union, but they don’t want free movement. They wanted no customs border in the Irish sea, but they don’t have a way around that. I don’t know what they stand for.”
And isn’t it equally true that whilst Labour has a solid and well-received plan on social care, nobody knows what the Conservatives believe on the issue?
“We promised - I think I promised, actually - that there’d be a plan from 2021. And there will be a plan from 2021.”
It’s an odd choice of words. What does “from 2021” mean - “by 2021” or “in 2021” or “after 2021”?
“In very early 2021 there will be a plan presented, I’m confident of that.”
I decide to change tack and delve deeper into Juliet Manning, the woman. What does she see as the biggest issues facing Britain today?
“The biggest issue is change. It always is. And there are two approaches to change: resisting it, or driving it. I believe in doing the latter. In the next twenty-five years you’re going to see enormous changes in the way we do business, the way we live, the way we educate our children. You know, the environmental crisis, the burning injustices, the changing economy, the rise of technology and a faster pace of life… these are all things we have to adapt to. I mean, my main focus is obviously on international affairs. And we’re confronting an increasingly dangerous world. We’re in a cold war again, that’s clear to me. The second cold war. And this time the belligerents aren’t just the old east and the old west, but the new far east as well. It’s about different societies as much as it is about different politics. China is a major economic threat. Russia poses an imminent, more conventional security threat. There is continuing instability in the middle east and in Africa. The role of the United States is changing; NATO is under pressure. Western economies are doing less well than their eastern counterparts. And the main struggle, really, is between open and closed societies: between democratic states and those that are not. That’s why what we tried to do - what I tried to do in part of the Broadcasting Bill was to massively boost our position in the information war, you know, through the World Service and such.”
The Deputy Prime Minister recently announced her divorce from her husband of 35 years, Damien Manning. She will keep his surname. I asked if working in frontline politics had made maintaining the relationship difficult.
“Yes, honestly, it has. We grew apart quite quickly when I was a junior minister at the Cabinet Office, and really… you know, I made a choice. And if things had turned out differently… you know, in 1989 I had a miscarriage and I was told I would never be able to have children. And that broke my heart, and it broke Damien’s heart, and really we threw ourselves into our careers in a way that maybe we wouldn’t - maybe I wouldn’t - if we’d had children. But as a woman especially you make these choices, career or family, and you shouldn’t have to but you do. Because it’s seen as your job to keep things together. And Damien and I are on very good terms and he’ll always be a very big part of my life. But for a long time really our relationship has been platonic and I think the divorce kind of certifies that for us and allows us to move on in the ways that we need to.”
There is one final question that I feel compelled to ask.
With Manning being the driving force behind so many of the government’s major policy initiatives, is she eyeing up the big job - a home at Number 10?
“No,” she says flatly. “I will never be Prime Minister. I don’t want to be. I don’t see the appeal of that job. You know, if I get fed up with all this one day, I can just go and retreat into obscurity. Within 20 years nobody would recognise me on the tube. You can’t do that if you’re Prime Minister.”